GDELTSouth Carolina
Goldstein: -8.0Tone: -3.2
US House Launches Push For Sweeping Russia, Iran Sanctions Bill After Senate Landslide
By Alex Raufoglu August 11, 2026
The US House of Representatives moved to advance a sweeping Russia and Iran sanctions package on August 10, just days after the Senate approved it by an overwhelming 86-11 vote, opening the next phase of a congressional push to squeeze Moscow's war economy and give President Donald Trump additional leverage to force Russia toward negotiations with Ukraine.
The move came unusually quickly -- while the House is in its August recess -- with Republican Representatives Michael McCaul of Texas, Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, Democratic congressman Steny Hoyer of Maryland, and a broad bipartisan group introducing the House companion to the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026.
The House legislation is identical to the measure passed by the Senate last week.
The bill, named after the late Senator Lindsey Graham, would target Russian banks, energy revenues, oligarchs, the Kremlin-linked "shadow fleet," sanctions-evasion networks, and foreign governments and companies helping sustain Moscow's war against Ukraine. It would also extend longstanding sanctions against Iran through 2031.
The rapid House move gives supporters a chance to capitalize on the Senate vote's overwhelming bipartisan margin, but it also sets up a potentially difficult debate over the bill's tariff provisions and the extent of presidential authority over countries that continue buying Russian energy.
Congress In Recess
McCaul, a former chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said he had promised Graham before his death that he would introduce the legislation in the House.
"Senator Graham was a national security giant, a statesman of unmatched conviction, and a personal friend and mentor," McCaul said, adding that Graham had worked on the legislation for more than a year and had secured White House support.
McCaul said Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy told him during a visit to Ukraine last month that he was ready for a cease-fire and negotiations, while Russian President Vladimir Putin continued to refuse to come to the negotiating table.
The Texas Republican said the sanctions would help increase the pressure on Putin and advance what he described as Graham's vision of an enduring peace.
Hoyer, one of the House's most senior Democrats, said the measure was long overdue.
The Maryland Democrat said the bill would attack multiple sources of Russian war financing, including oil and gas, the shadow fleet, and financial institutions.
"We must send the strongest possible message of American support as Ukraine defends democracy against despotism," Hoyer said in a statement.
But Hoyer also highlighted a significant limitation: the sanctions package does not include several provisions contained in the Ukraine Support Act, including $8 billion in military and reconstruction assistance and sanctions relating to the kidnapping of Ukrainian children into Russia.
That omission could become part of a broader House debate over whether sanctions alone are sufficient to shape the war's outcome.
The legislation is backed by lawmakers from across the political spectrum.
The original cosponsors include Republicans Joe Wilson of South Carolina, House Baltic Caucus co-Chair Don Bacon of Nebraska, Armed Services Committee Chairman Mike Rogers of Alabama, Mike Turner of Ohio, Ann Wagner of Missouri, Andy Barr of Kentucky, and Nathaniel Moran of Texas, as well as Democrats Congressional Ukraine Caucus co-founder and co-Chair Marcy Kaptur of Ohio, Jake Auchincloss of Massachusetts, Jill Tokuda of Hawaii, Gabe Vasquez of New Mexico, Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey, Ed Case of Hawaii, Eugene Vindman of Virginia, and Chrissy Houlahan of Pennsylvania.
Fitzpatrick said the legislation attacks what he described as the three foundations of Putin's war machine: "oil, money, and the willingness of others to look the other way." According to him, the bill would isolate Russian banks, shut down financing networks and force governments and companies supporting Moscow to choose whether to continue doing business with Russia.
"The most fitting tribute Congress can offer Lindsey is to finish the work he began," Fitzpatrick said.
New Tariffs
The bill's most powerful -- and potentially most contentious -- provision would give Trump significant new authority to impose tariffs on countries that continue to purchase Russian oil and gas or help Moscow evade sanctions.
The legislation authorizes duties of up to 500 percent on goods imported from Russia and targeted duties of up to 100 percent on goods from countries that rank among the largest purchasers of Russian crude oil or natural gas or the leading facilitators of Russian oil sanctions evasion.
Hoyer said negotiations could continue over the precise scope of presidential tariff authority. In his statement, he pointed specifically to a proposal limiting that authority to eight nations whose imports are helping finance Russia's war. That provision could prove decisive once lawmakers return to Washington.
Senior House aides familiar with the discussions told RFE/RL that the immediate challenge is preserving the bipartisan coalition that produced the Senate's 86-11 vote without reopening the entire package. The political calculation is straightforward: supporters want to use the Senate vote as momentum for quick House action, while avoiding changes that could force another lengthy round of negotiations.
The aides' assessment is that the sanctions themselves command broad support. The more difficult question is how far Congress should go in delegating tariff power to the president and how aggressively the measure should be applied to major Russian-energy buyers.
That distinction could become the House fight.
Supporters argue that the tariff threat is precisely what makes the legislation potentially effective. Countries that continue buying Russian energy would have to weigh access to the US market against their commercial relationship with Moscow.
Critics, however, could argue that broad tariff authority risks creating economic consequences beyond Russia and gives the White House substantial discretion over trade policy.
For supporters of Ukraine, the trade-off is worth it.
Yuriy Boyechko, CEO of Hope For Ukraine, a New Jersey-based nonprofit delivering medical and humanitarian supplies to civilians and frontline areas, told RFE/RL that the House introduction provides the economic pressure needed to strike at the foundations of Russia's war effort.
"The introduction of the House companion bill by Representatives Brian Fitzpatrick, Michael McCaul, Steny Hoyer, and a broad bipartisan coalition offers the precise economic sledgehammer needed to break the Russian economy," Boyechko said.
He said the combination of the House's rapid action and the Senate's 86-11 vote could give Washington a mechanism for targeting what he described as the remaining foreign revenue streams supporting the Kremlin.
"By threatening 100 percent tariffs on buyers of Russian energy, dismantling the illicit shadow tanker fleet, and isolating Russian financial institutions, the legislation targets the remaining foreign revenue streams sustaining the Kremlin's budget," Boyechko said.
He argued that cutting those revenues could ultimately force Moscow to negotiate.
"Squeezing these vital energy revenues and financial lifelines threatens total economic exhaustion for Russia, removing its capacity to finance prolonged aggression and forcing Moscow to negotiate on Ukraine's terms," he said.
Bill Targets Russia's Financial And Energy Lifelines
The legislation goes considerably beyond individual sanctions on Russian officials.
It would target senior Russian officials, oligarchs, companies supporting Russia's defense-industrial base, and foreign actors materially assisting Moscow's military operations or efforts to undermine Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity
Open article →GDELTTexas
Goldstein: -0.5Tone: -3.2
US House Launches Push For Sweeping Russia, Iran Sanctions Bill After Senate Landslide
By Alex Raufoglu August 11, 2026
The US House of Representatives moved to advance a sweeping Russia and Iran sanctions package on August 10, just days after the Senate approved it by an overwhelming 86-11 vote, opening the next phase of a congressional push to squeeze Moscow's war economy and give President Donald Trump additional leverage to force Russia toward negotiations with Ukraine.
The move came unusually quickly -- while the House is in its August recess -- with Republican Representatives Michael McCaul of Texas, Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, Democratic congressman Steny Hoyer of Maryland, and a broad bipartisan group introducing the House companion to the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026.
The House legislation is identical to the measure passed by the Senate last week.
The bill, named after the late Senator Lindsey Graham, would target Russian banks, energy revenues, oligarchs, the Kremlin-linked "shadow fleet," sanctions-evasion networks, and foreign governments and companies helping sustain Moscow's war against Ukraine. It would also extend longstanding sanctions against Iran through 2031.
The rapid House move gives supporters a chance to capitalize on the Senate vote's overwhelming bipartisan margin, but it also sets up a potentially difficult debate over the bill's tariff provisions and the extent of presidential authority over countries that continue buying Russian energy.
Congress In Recess
McCaul, a former chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said he had promised Graham before his death that he would introduce the legislation in the House.
"Senator Graham was a national security giant, a statesman of unmatched conviction, and a personal friend and mentor," McCaul said, adding that Graham had worked on the legislation for more than a year and had secured White House support.
McCaul said Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy told him during a visit to Ukraine last month that he was ready for a cease-fire and negotiations, while Russian President Vladimir Putin continued to refuse to come to the negotiating table.
The Texas Republican said the sanctions would help increase the pressure on Putin and advance what he described as Graham's vision of an enduring peace.
Hoyer, one of the House's most senior Democrats, said the measure was long overdue.
The Maryland Democrat said the bill would attack multiple sources of Russian war financing, including oil and gas, the shadow fleet, and financial institutions.
"We must send the strongest possible message of American support as Ukraine defends democracy against despotism," Hoyer said in a statement.
But Hoyer also highlighted a significant limitation: the sanctions package does not include several provisions contained in the Ukraine Support Act, including $8 billion in military and reconstruction assistance and sanctions relating to the kidnapping of Ukrainian children into Russia.
That omission could become part of a broader House debate over whether sanctions alone are sufficient to shape the war's outcome.
The legislation is backed by lawmakers from across the political spectrum.
The original cosponsors include Republicans Joe Wilson of South Carolina, House Baltic Caucus co-Chair Don Bacon of Nebraska, Armed Services Committee Chairman Mike Rogers of Alabama, Mike Turner of Ohio, Ann Wagner of Missouri, Andy Barr of Kentucky, and Nathaniel Moran of Texas, as well as Democrats Congressional Ukraine Caucus co-founder and co-Chair Marcy Kaptur of Ohio, Jake Auchincloss of Massachusetts, Jill Tokuda of Hawaii, Gabe Vasquez of New Mexico, Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey, Ed Case of Hawaii, Eugene Vindman of Virginia, and Chrissy Houlahan of Pennsylvania.
Fitzpatrick said the legislation attacks what he described as the three foundations of Putin's war machine: "oil, money, and the willingness of others to look the other way." According to him, the bill would isolate Russian banks, shut down financing networks and force governments and companies supporting Moscow to choose whether to continue doing business with Russia.
"The most fitting tribute Congress can offer Lindsey is to finish the work he began," Fitzpatrick said.
New Tariffs
The bill's most powerful -- and potentially most contentious -- provision would give Trump significant new authority to impose tariffs on countries that continue to purchase Russian oil and gas or help Moscow evade sanctions.
The legislation authorizes duties of up to 500 percent on goods imported from Russia and targeted duties of up to 100 percent on goods from countries that rank among the largest purchasers of Russian crude oil or natural gas or the leading facilitators of Russian oil sanctions evasion.
Hoyer said negotiations could continue over the precise scope of presidential tariff authority. In his statement, he pointed specifically to a proposal limiting that authority to eight nations whose imports are helping finance Russia's war. That provision could prove decisive once lawmakers return to Washington.
Senior House aides familiar with the discussions told RFE/RL that the immediate challenge is preserving the bipartisan coalition that produced the Senate's 86-11 vote without reopening the entire package. The political calculation is straightforward: supporters want to use the Senate vote as momentum for quick House action, while avoiding changes that could force another lengthy round of negotiations.
The aides' assessment is that the sanctions themselves command broad support. The more difficult question is how far Congress should go in delegating tariff power to the president and how aggressively the measure should be applied to major Russian-energy buyers.
That distinction could become the House fight.
Supporters argue that the tariff threat is precisely what makes the legislation potentially effective. Countries that continue buying Russian energy would have to weigh access to the US market against their commercial relationship with Moscow.
Critics, however, could argue that broad tariff authority risks creating economic consequences beyond Russia and gives the White House substantial discretion over trade policy.
For supporters of Ukraine, the trade-off is worth it.
Yuriy Boyechko, CEO of Hope For Ukraine, a New Jersey-based nonprofit delivering medical and humanitarian supplies to civilians and frontline areas, told RFE/RL that the House introduction provides the economic pressure needed to strike at the foundations of Russia's war effort.
"The introduction of the House companion bill by Representatives Brian Fitzpatrick, Michael McCaul, Steny Hoyer, and a broad bipartisan coalition offers the precise economic sledgehammer needed to break the Russian economy," Boyechko said.
He said the combination of the House's rapid action and the Senate's 86-11 vote could give Washington a mechanism for targeting what he described as the remaining foreign revenue streams supporting the Kremlin.
"By threatening 100 percent tariffs on buyers of Russian energy, dismantling the illicit shadow tanker fleet, and isolating Russian financial institutions, the legislation targets the remaining foreign revenue streams sustaining the Kremlin's budget," Boyechko said.
He argued that cutting those revenues could ultimately force Moscow to negotiate.
"Squeezing these vital energy revenues and financial lifelines threatens total economic exhaustion for Russia, removing its capacity to finance prolonged aggression and forcing Moscow to negotiate on Ukraine's terms," he said.
Bill Targets Russia's Financial And Energy Lifelines
The legislation goes considerably beyond individual sanctions on Russian officials.
It would target senior Russian officials, oligarchs, companies supporting Russia's defense-industrial base, and foreign actors materially assisting Moscow's military operations or efforts to undermine Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity
Open article →GDELTMaryland
Goldstein: 1.8Tone: -3.2
US House Launches Push For Sweeping Russia, Iran Sanctions Bill After Senate Landslide
By Alex Raufoglu August 11, 2026
The US House of Representatives moved to advance a sweeping Russia and Iran sanctions package on August 10, just days after the Senate approved it by an overwhelming 86-11 vote, opening the next phase of a congressional push to squeeze Moscow's war economy and give President Donald Trump additional leverage to force Russia toward negotiations with Ukraine.
The move came unusually quickly -- while the House is in its August recess -- with Republican Representatives Michael McCaul of Texas, Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, Democratic congressman Steny Hoyer of Maryland, and a broad bipartisan group introducing the House companion to the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026.
The House legislation is identical to the measure passed by the Senate last week.
The bill, named after the late Senator Lindsey Graham, would target Russian banks, energy revenues, oligarchs, the Kremlin-linked "shadow fleet," sanctions-evasion networks, and foreign governments and companies helping sustain Moscow's war against Ukraine. It would also extend longstanding sanctions against Iran through 2031.
The rapid House move gives supporters a chance to capitalize on the Senate vote's overwhelming bipartisan margin, but it also sets up a potentially difficult debate over the bill's tariff provisions and the extent of presidential authority over countries that continue buying Russian energy.
Congress In Recess
McCaul, a former chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said he had promised Graham before his death that he would introduce the legislation in the House.
"Senator Graham was a national security giant, a statesman of unmatched conviction, and a personal friend and mentor," McCaul said, adding that Graham had worked on the legislation for more than a year and had secured White House support.
McCaul said Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy told him during a visit to Ukraine last month that he was ready for a cease-fire and negotiations, while Russian President Vladimir Putin continued to refuse to come to the negotiating table.
The Texas Republican said the sanctions would help increase the pressure on Putin and advance what he described as Graham's vision of an enduring peace.
Hoyer, one of the House's most senior Democrats, said the measure was long overdue.
The Maryland Democrat said the bill would attack multiple sources of Russian war financing, including oil and gas, the shadow fleet, and financial institutions.
"We must send the strongest possible message of American support as Ukraine defends democracy against despotism," Hoyer said in a statement.
But Hoyer also highlighted a significant limitation: the sanctions package does not include several provisions contained in the Ukraine Support Act, including $8 billion in military and reconstruction assistance and sanctions relating to the kidnapping of Ukrainian children into Russia.
That omission could become part of a broader House debate over whether sanctions alone are sufficient to shape the war's outcome.
The legislation is backed by lawmakers from across the political spectrum.
The original cosponsors include Republicans Joe Wilson of South Carolina, House Baltic Caucus co-Chair Don Bacon of Nebraska, Armed Services Committee Chairman Mike Rogers of Alabama, Mike Turner of Ohio, Ann Wagner of Missouri, Andy Barr of Kentucky, and Nathaniel Moran of Texas, as well as Democrats Congressional Ukraine Caucus co-founder and co-Chair Marcy Kaptur of Ohio, Jake Auchincloss of Massachusetts, Jill Tokuda of Hawaii, Gabe Vasquez of New Mexico, Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey, Ed Case of Hawaii, Eugene Vindman of Virginia, and Chrissy Houlahan of Pennsylvania.
Fitzpatrick said the legislation attacks what he described as the three foundations of Putin's war machine: "oil, money, and the willingness of others to look the other way." According to him, the bill would isolate Russian banks, shut down financing networks and force governments and companies supporting Moscow to choose whether to continue doing business with Russia.
"The most fitting tribute Congress can offer Lindsey is to finish the work he began," Fitzpatrick said.
New Tariffs
The bill's most powerful -- and potentially most contentious -- provision would give Trump significant new authority to impose tariffs on countries that continue to purchase Russian oil and gas or help Moscow evade sanctions.
The legislation authorizes duties of up to 500 percent on goods imported from Russia and targeted duties of up to 100 percent on goods from countries that rank among the largest purchasers of Russian crude oil or natural gas or the leading facilitators of Russian oil sanctions evasion.
Hoyer said negotiations could continue over the precise scope of presidential tariff authority. In his statement, he pointed specifically to a proposal limiting that authority to eight nations whose imports are helping finance Russia's war. That provision could prove decisive once lawmakers return to Washington.
Senior House aides familiar with the discussions told RFE/RL that the immediate challenge is preserving the bipartisan coalition that produced the Senate's 86-11 vote without reopening the entire package. The political calculation is straightforward: supporters want to use the Senate vote as momentum for quick House action, while avoiding changes that could force another lengthy round of negotiations.
The aides' assessment is that the sanctions themselves command broad support. The more difficult question is how far Congress should go in delegating tariff power to the president and how aggressively the measure should be applied to major Russian-energy buyers.
That distinction could become the House fight.
Supporters argue that the tariff threat is precisely what makes the legislation potentially effective. Countries that continue buying Russian energy would have to weigh access to the US market against their commercial relationship with Moscow.
Critics, however, could argue that broad tariff authority risks creating economic consequences beyond Russia and gives the White House substantial discretion over trade policy.
For supporters of Ukraine, the trade-off is worth it.
Yuriy Boyechko, CEO of Hope For Ukraine, a New Jersey-based nonprofit delivering medical and humanitarian supplies to civilians and frontline areas, told RFE/RL that the House introduction provides the economic pressure needed to strike at the foundations of Russia's war effort.
"The introduction of the House companion bill by Representatives Brian Fitzpatrick, Michael McCaul, Steny Hoyer, and a broad bipartisan coalition offers the precise economic sledgehammer needed to break the Russian economy," Boyechko said.
He said the combination of the House's rapid action and the Senate's 86-11 vote could give Washington a mechanism for targeting what he described as the remaining foreign revenue streams supporting the Kremlin.
"By threatening 100 percent tariffs on buyers of Russian energy, dismantling the illicit shadow tanker fleet, and isolating Russian financial institutions, the legislation targets the remaining foreign revenue streams sustaining the Kremlin's budget," Boyechko said.
He argued that cutting those revenues could ultimately force Moscow to negotiate.
"Squeezing these vital energy revenues and financial lifelines threatens total economic exhaustion for Russia, removing its capacity to finance prolonged aggression and forcing Moscow to negotiate on Ukraine's terms," he said.
Bill Targets Russia's Financial And Energy Lifelines
The legislation goes considerably beyond individual sanctions on Russian officials.
It would target senior Russian officials, oligarchs, companies supporting Russia's defense-industrial base, and foreign actors materially assisting Moscow's military operations or efforts to undermine Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity
Open article →GDELTSouth Carolina
Goldstein: 1.0Tone: -2.9
On Friday, the United States Senate passed the 2026 Lindsey O. Graham Sanctions Act targeting Russia and Iran with a vote of 86-11, concluding over 18 months of negotiations between Republican and Democratic lawmakers on how to intensify economic pressure on Moscow and Tehran.
The 61-page legislation was renamed in honor of Republican Senator Lindsey Graham from South Carolina, a leading advocate for the bill, who passed away in July at the age of 71 due to an aortic dissection.
Graham's passing rallied bipartisan backing and expedited the approval of a law that had been stalled since its introduction in April 2025. The legislation empowers the U.S. government to impose tariffs of up to 100% on the top five importers of Russian crude oil, the leading buyers of Russian natural gas, and countries aiding in the evasion of current energy sanctions. As the largest importer of Russian energy, China would be the most affected by these measures.
The law also includes primary and secondary sanctions against Russian officials, oligarchs, banks, and financial institutions, as well as the so-called "shadow fleet" that Moscow uses to circumvent existing restrictions.
The inclusion of Iran in the bill was a late addition, requested by President Donald Trump to prevent the expiration of existing sanctions against Tehran by the end of this year. The new measure extends these restrictions on Iran's energy and arms sectors until 2031.
Prior to the final vote, the Senate rejected an amendment by Republican Senator Rand Paul from Kentucky, which aimed to remove the executive's authority to levy tariffs on purchasers of Russian energy, by a vote of 32-64. Democratic Senator Raphael Warnock from Georgia also raised similar concerns but withdrew his own amendment after securing a written commitment from U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer to establish safeguards, which Warnock called "a small yet significant victory for all Americans who have suffered under this president's reckless tariffs."
Senate Majority Leader John Thune from South Dakota defended the necessity of the legislation, stating, "As long as [Vladimir] Putin has money from Russian oil and gas, he can continue this war. And what this sanctions bill would do is basically cut that off."
Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal from Connecticut, a leading Democratic sponsor, recalled Graham's final words to him about the imminent approval: "This is a big damn deal. We got it right. President Zelensky is watching from Ukraine. President Putin is watching from Moscow."
The agreement on the final text was announced on July 28 by Senator Darline Graham from South Carolina, Lindsey Graham's sister and designated successor, alongside a bipartisan group that included Senators Blumenthal, Katie Britt, Jeanne Shaheen, Roger Wicker, and Jim Risch.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who attended Graham's funeral in Washington, met with most senators and personally advocated for the bill's passage.
The bill now moves to the House of Representatives, where its future remains uncertain. Lawmakers are currently on their August recess and will not resume work until the end of the month, leaving the fate of the legislation in limbo until then.
Key Questions About US Sanctions on Russia and Iran
What are the main objectives of the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctions Act?
The primary goals of the act are to increase economic pressure on Russia and Iran by imposing significant tariffs and sanctions to curb their energy export revenues and restrict their capabilities in key sectors.
How does the legislation affect China's import of Russian energy?
As the largest importer of Russian energy, China could face substantial tariffs of up to 100% on its imports, making it the most vulnerable country to these new sanctions.
Why was Iran included in the sanctions bill?
Iran was added to the bill at the request of President Donald Trump to extend existing sanctions on its energy and arms sectors, preventing their expiration by the end of the year and extending them until 2031.
Open article →GDELTWashington D.C.
Goldstein: 1.0Tone: -2.9
On Friday, the United States Senate passed the 2026 Lindsey O. Graham Sanctions Act targeting Russia and Iran with a vote of 86-11, concluding over 18 months of negotiations between Republican and Democratic lawmakers on how to intensify economic pressure on Moscow and Tehran.
The 61-page legislation was renamed in honor of Republican Senator Lindsey Graham from South Carolina, a leading advocate for the bill, who passed away in July at the age of 71 due to an aortic dissection.
Graham's passing rallied bipartisan backing and expedited the approval of a law that had been stalled since its introduction in April 2025. The legislation empowers the U.S. government to impose tariffs of up to 100% on the top five importers of Russian crude oil, the leading buyers of Russian natural gas, and countries aiding in the evasion of current energy sanctions. As the largest importer of Russian energy, China would be the most affected by these measures.
The law also includes primary and secondary sanctions against Russian officials, oligarchs, banks, and financial institutions, as well as the so-called "shadow fleet" that Moscow uses to circumvent existing restrictions.
The inclusion of Iran in the bill was a late addition, requested by President Donald Trump to prevent the expiration of existing sanctions against Tehran by the end of this year. The new measure extends these restrictions on Iran's energy and arms sectors until 2031.
Prior to the final vote, the Senate rejected an amendment by Republican Senator Rand Paul from Kentucky, which aimed to remove the executive's authority to levy tariffs on purchasers of Russian energy, by a vote of 32-64. Democratic Senator Raphael Warnock from Georgia also raised similar concerns but withdrew his own amendment after securing a written commitment from U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer to establish safeguards, which Warnock called "a small yet significant victory for all Americans who have suffered under this president's reckless tariffs."
Senate Majority Leader John Thune from South Dakota defended the necessity of the legislation, stating, "As long as [Vladimir] Putin has money from Russian oil and gas, he can continue this war. And what this sanctions bill would do is basically cut that off."
Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal from Connecticut, a leading Democratic sponsor, recalled Graham's final words to him about the imminent approval: "This is a big damn deal. We got it right. President Zelensky is watching from Ukraine. President Putin is watching from Moscow."
The agreement on the final text was announced on July 28 by Senator Darline Graham from South Carolina, Lindsey Graham's sister and designated successor, alongside a bipartisan group that included Senators Blumenthal, Katie Britt, Jeanne Shaheen, Roger Wicker, and Jim Risch.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who attended Graham's funeral in Washington, met with most senators and personally advocated for the bill's passage.
The bill now moves to the House of Representatives, where its future remains uncertain. Lawmakers are currently on their August recess and will not resume work until the end of the month, leaving the fate of the legislation in limbo until then.
Key Questions About US Sanctions on Russia and Iran
What are the main objectives of the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctions Act?
The primary goals of the act are to increase economic pressure on Russia and Iran by imposing significant tariffs and sanctions to curb their energy export revenues and restrict their capabilities in key sectors.
How does the legislation affect China's import of Russian energy?
As the largest importer of Russian energy, China could face substantial tariffs of up to 100% on its imports, making it the most vulnerable country to these new sanctions.
Why was Iran included in the sanctions bill?
Iran was added to the bill at the request of President Donald Trump to extend existing sanctions on its energy and arms sectors, preventing their expiration by the end of the year and extending them until 2031.
Open article →GDELTSouth Dakota
Goldstein: -4.0Tone: -2.9
On Friday, the United States Senate passed the 2026 Lindsey O. Graham Sanctions Act targeting Russia and Iran with a vote of 86-11, concluding over 18 months of negotiations between Republican and Democratic lawmakers on how to intensify economic pressure on Moscow and Tehran.
The 61-page legislation was renamed in honor of Republican Senator Lindsey Graham from South Carolina, a leading advocate for the bill, who passed away in July at the age of 71 due to an aortic dissection.
Graham's passing rallied bipartisan backing and expedited the approval of a law that had been stalled since its introduction in April 2025. The legislation empowers the U.S. government to impose tariffs of up to 100% on the top five importers of Russian crude oil, the leading buyers of Russian natural gas, and countries aiding in the evasion of current energy sanctions. As the largest importer of Russian energy, China would be the most affected by these measures.
The law also includes primary and secondary sanctions against Russian officials, oligarchs, banks, and financial institutions, as well as the so-called "shadow fleet" that Moscow uses to circumvent existing restrictions.
The inclusion of Iran in the bill was a late addition, requested by President Donald Trump to prevent the expiration of existing sanctions against Tehran by the end of this year. The new measure extends these restrictions on Iran's energy and arms sectors until 2031.
Prior to the final vote, the Senate rejected an amendment by Republican Senator Rand Paul from Kentucky, which aimed to remove the executive's authority to levy tariffs on purchasers of Russian energy, by a vote of 32-64. Democratic Senator Raphael Warnock from Georgia also raised similar concerns but withdrew his own amendment after securing a written commitment from U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer to establish safeguards, which Warnock called "a small yet significant victory for all Americans who have suffered under this president's reckless tariffs."
Senate Majority Leader John Thune from South Dakota defended the necessity of the legislation, stating, "As long as [Vladimir] Putin has money from Russian oil and gas, he can continue this war. And what this sanctions bill would do is basically cut that off."
Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal from Connecticut, a leading Democratic sponsor, recalled Graham's final words to him about the imminent approval: "This is a big damn deal. We got it right. President Zelensky is watching from Ukraine. President Putin is watching from Moscow."
The agreement on the final text was announced on July 28 by Senator Darline Graham from South Carolina, Lindsey Graham's sister and designated successor, alongside a bipartisan group that included Senators Blumenthal, Katie Britt, Jeanne Shaheen, Roger Wicker, and Jim Risch.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who attended Graham's funeral in Washington, met with most senators and personally advocated for the bill's passage.
The bill now moves to the House of Representatives, where its future remains uncertain. Lawmakers are currently on their August recess and will not resume work until the end of the month, leaving the fate of the legislation in limbo until then.
Key Questions About US Sanctions on Russia and Iran
What are the main objectives of the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctions Act?
The primary goals of the act are to increase economic pressure on Russia and Iran by imposing significant tariffs and sanctions to curb their energy export revenues and restrict their capabilities in key sectors.
How does the legislation affect China's import of Russian energy?
As the largest importer of Russian energy, China could face substantial tariffs of up to 100% on its imports, making it the most vulnerable country to these new sanctions.
Why was Iran included in the sanctions bill?
Iran was added to the bill at the request of President Donald Trump to extend existing sanctions on its energy and arms sectors, preventing their expiration by the end of the year and extending them until 2031.
Open article →